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If the people of Scotland vote for independence tomorrow,
Thursday 18th, the process of separation will not, as too many
politicians have suggested, be postponed for eighteen months of negotiation. It
will begin around five in the morning on Friday, 19th September.
Civil
servants in the Treasury, in the Bank of England, the Foreign Office, the
Ministry of Defence and those parts of the Home Office which are responsible
for immigration policy will immediately find themselves briefing ministers on
how to negotiate with the Scottish government. De facto, therefore they
will already be working for what will, in these hitherto reserved functions, be
a “rump UK” government. More to the point, they will be advising ministers on
how to protect the interests of England, Wales and Northern Ireland in those
talks, not those of Scotland which will already be represented by the Edinburgh
government. Long before independence would be announced, the role and
accountability of senior London civil servants and the interests they serve
will have changed drastically. They will have to adjust the advice they offer
to ministers accordingly – and do it immediately when they start work on Friday
morning.
First to be
affected on Friday morning will be the duties and role of Treasury civil
servants. After a “yes” vote, they will be working with the Bank of England to
craft the precise wording of assurances given to the markets, in the hope of
stemming both an outflow of funds from banks and bank accounts registered in
Scotland and a run on sterling combined with a great sell-off of British
government bonds. How far should they advise ministers and the governor of the
Bank to go? In the interests of Scotland, of course, it would be best for the
UK to give an open-ended guarantee of the value of deposits in Scottish banks.
But the markets might test such a commitment very quickly. Is that really in
the interests of English, Welsh and Northern Irish UK citizens that what will,
after a “yes” vote, by five o'clock on Friday morning already be more their
Bank of England than it will be Scottish citizens' Bank? Should Treasury
officials advise the governor and the Chancellor to expose “rump UK” citizens
to such potentially huge liabilities? This is not just a question of civil
service ethics. It is a constitutional and a public management question which
has to be answered in a hurry. Sir Nicholas McPherson, Permanent Secretary at
the Treasury, must surely have been pondering this question rather carefully
because he may well later be called to the Public Accounts Committee to explain
the advice he gives on Friday morning.
After a
“yes” vote in Scotland, the senior officials in the Ministry of Defence will
begin facing the same dilemma later on Friday morning. Major defence suppliers
with big sites in Scotland will be on the 'phone to them when the MoD
switchboard opens. They will want information about MoD intentions for existing
contracts which, already, will be regarded as having been placed in,
effectively, a foreign country. They will also want to know what the MoD's
policy will be about placing new contracts. With that information, many will
need to make announcements by Friday lunchtime to their shareholders explaining
whether or not they intend to relocate. The MoD officials will be providing
advice to the Secretary of State, Michael Fallon, already in part on the basis
of the interests of the rump UK, rather than of the whole of the UK including
Scotland.
The Home
Office has a little more time before decisions have to be made that might carry really big financial consequences. Whereas
the markets will react immediately to the UK ministers' announcements written
on the basis advice of from their civil servants about the currency, the
position of the banks and the value of the defence contracting companies, the
Home Office has time to prepare its advice to Mrs May, the Home Secretary, on
how to advise her when she enters talks with her counterparts in Edinburgh
about whether Scotland's proposed immigration policy is one that the rump UK can
regard as compatible with the rump UK interests in the Common Travel Area. But
as they begin to prepare their advice on Friday morning after a “yes” vote,
they will already be thinking about their duty to ministers of what will
already be the rump UK rather than the whole of the UK.
But, after a
yes vote, a key minister in the UK government would be in a more serious
plight. The Chief Secretary to the Treasury, the Rt Hon Danny Alexander, will
be impaled on the horns of a dilemma. On the one hand, Mr Alexander is a
minister in the UK government. He must decide what announcements to make to
reassure the markets on Friday after a “yes” vote, bearing in mind the
interests of the citizens of the rump UK. In the ordinary course of events the
Chief Secretary would expect to be a key negotiator for the UK with his
counterparts in Scotland. But Mr Alexander is also an MP for a Scottish
constituency. Can he therefore uphold cabinet collective responsibility for
decisions taken after a “yes” vote about how the UK pursues its negotiations
with the Scottish government? The dilemma may not be so serious for the
Secretary of State for Scotland, Alistair Carmichael. His special role probably
enables his role to be fenced off, or subject to special restrictions on what
he can and cannot make decisions on. But the Chief Secretary to the Treasury
cannot function at all if he is subject to restrictions of that kind. So by
next week, after a “yes” vote, some clear arrangement will have to be come to
about the Chief Secretary's position. And whatever arrangements are made will
set a precedent for any solution put in place in parliament after a “yes” vote
to address the “West Lothian question” of what issues Scottish MPs can vote on
in the period after a “yes” vote and while Scottish MPs still sit in
Westminster at all.
In short, a
“yes” vote tomorrow will make Friday morning the biggest test of the the civil
service since the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922. Let us hope that
the British civil service is ready.
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